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Free eBook Moving the Mountain: Women's Movement in America Since 1960 download

by Flora Davis

Free eBook Moving the Mountain: Women's Movement in America Since 1960 download ISBN: 0671602071
Author: Flora Davis
Publisher: Prentice Hall (November 1, 1991)
Language: English
Pages: 604
Category: Social Sciences
Subcategory: Social Sciences
Size MP3: 1537 mb
Size FLAC: 1283 mb
Rating: 4.7
Format: lrf txt rtf docx


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Moving the Mountain" tells the story of the struggles and triumphs of thousands of activists who achieved 'half a revolution' between 1960 and 1990. In this award-winning book, the most complete history of the women's movement to date, Flora Davis presents a grass-roots view of the small steps and giant leaps that have changed laws and institutions as well as the prejudices and unspoken rules governing a woman's place in American society.

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Moving the Mountain tells the story of the struggles and triumphs of thousands of activists who achieved "half a revolution" between 1960 and 1990.

This vivid history shows just what has and hasn't been achieved, providing a gripping historical assessment of how the women's movement got where it is today and predicting where it's headed from here. Результаты поиска по книге. Отзывы - Написать отзыв. MOVING THE MOUNTAIN: The Women's Movement in America Since 1960.

Moving the Mountain tells the story of the struggles and triumphs of thousands of activists who achieved "half a revolution" between 1960 and 1990

Moving the Mountain tells the story of the struggles and triumphs of thousands of activists who achieved "half a revolution" between 1960 and 1990. In this book, Flora Davis presents a grass-roots view of the small steps and giant leaps that have changed laws and institutions as well as the assumptions, prejudices, and unspoken rules governing a woman's place in American society.

Wendy Hamand Venet A Voice of Their Own: The Woman Suffrage Press, 1840-1910.

Moving the Mountain: The Women's Movement in America since 1960. Neither Ballots nor Bullets: Women Abolitionists and the Civil War. Wendy Hamand Venet. Carol Lasser, "Moving the Mountain: The Women's Movement in America since 1960. Flora Davis Neither Ballots nor Bullets: Women Abolitionists and the Civil War. Wendy Hamand Venet A Voice of Their Own: The Woman Suffrage Press, 1840-1910. Martha M. Solomon," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 19, no. 3 (Spring, 1994): 781-785. Of all published articles, the following were the most read within the past 12 months.

Coauthors & Alternates.

Moving the Mountain: The Women's Movement in America Since 1960: ISBN 9780671792923 (978-0-671-79292-3) Softcover, Touchstone Books, 1992. Coauthors & Alternates.

Flora Crater engaged in politics to fight for women, African Americans, the poor and young people. Davis, Flora (1999-01-01). She first became involved in politics in 1942, when as a member of her children's Parent-Teacher Association, she advocated for educational issues in Fairfax County. University of Illinois Press. Mich Hist Rev. M. Christine Anderson. The Romance of American Psychology: Political Culture in the Age of Experts. Probes the complicated relationship between postwar America between historical memory and commercial culture-popular television, music, and film. Time Passages is a far-reaching-and perhaps on to cultural studies.

"Moving the Mountain" tells the story of the struggles and triumphs of thousands of activists who achieved 'half a revolution' between 1960 and 1990. In this award-winning book, the most complete history of the women's movement to date, Flora Davis presents a grass-roots view of the small steps and giant leaps that have changed laws and institutions as well as the prejudices and unspoken rules governing a woman's place in American society. Looking at every major feminist issue from the point of view of the participants in the struggle, "Moving the Mountain" conveys the excitement, the frustration, and the creative chaos of feminism's Second Wave. This title includes a new afterword that assesses the movement's progress in the 1990s and prospects for the new century.
User reviews
Coidor
Too technical for me.
DEAD-SHOT
Editor Flora Davis has taught writing and journalism at the New School for Social Research and at Fordham University. She has written other books such as Inside Intuition: What We Know about Non-Verbal Communication,Eloquent Animals: A Study in Animal Communication, etc. [NOTE: page numbers below refer to the 604-page paperback edition.]

She wrote in the Introduction to this 1991 book, “When I decided to write this book back in 1982, I felt that feminism had reached a turning point. The ERA had been defeated despite broad public support… Progress had stalled and in some ways the movement was actually losing ground. I was afraid that the second wave was over. Instead, though feminists faced formidable opposition throughout the 1980s, the movement continued to grow and change. At times, it even seemed to thrive on opposition… Nevertheless, the struggle continues… In the 1990s, two things are very clear: that in the past, changes only happened because thousands of women MADE them happen, and that in the future, women will gain more ground only if activists continued the effort. That’s why it seems important now to look back over the past thirty years of movement history and ask: How have we come this far? What have we accomplished and what remains to be done? With this book I hope to provide not only a record of achievements but a grounding in facts---enough detail about how things were done and where the pitfalls lay to help activists work for a better future.” (Pg. 11)

She says of the aftermath of Betty Friedan’s The Feminine Mystique, “As her fame spread, she became something of an outcast in the suburb where she lived. She and her husband were no longer invited to dinner parties, and they were dropped from a car pool after she hired a taxi to deliver to children because she herself had other commitments. Friedan’s book was so controversial that those who read it couldn’t stop discussing it, for it challenged the very basis of many middle class women’s lives.” (Pg. 51-52)

She points out, “In the late 1960s and early 1970s, thousands of C-R [consciousness-raising] groups formed around the country. The women who joined them found that consciousness-raising challenged many of their basic assumptions about themselves and their relations to men… As women talked in small, homogeneous groups about various issues, they discovered that problems they’d thought were theirs alone were shared by all---and created by male-dominated culture… In the end, consciousness-raising drew thousands of women into the movement. Within a very few years, most of its critics had embraced it enthusiastically.” (Pg. 88-89)

She suggests, “Many things separated women’s liberationists from liberal feminists. The women generally came from different generations, had cut their teeth politically under different circumstances, and their priorities were seldom the same. Nevertheless, it may have been as much style as substance that made them incompatible. Liberal groups were organized along traditional, hierarchical lines… Most women’s liberation groups, on the other hand, were determined to operate without leaders and to arrive at decisions by consensus. The commitment to radical equality that was characteristic of women’s liberation was carried to harmful extremes in some groups.” (Pg. 94)

But she also cautions, “Radical equality turned out to be a mixed blessing for women’s liberation. Groups that functioned without a hierarchy often generated an intense feeling of community, an almost ecstatic closeness… However, some women’s liberation groups became preoccupied with internal issues of power and carried their aversion to hierarchies to extremes. Women who stood out from the rest for any reason were accused of elitism and ‘trashed.’ Within the movement, the period from 1969-1971 became known as feminism’s ‘McCarthy era’ because of the dogmatism of some groups.” (Pg. 98)

She also notes, “many of the early women’s liberation groups died because they’d done their job. Members used the support of the group to make changes in themselves and their circumstances. They then moved on to new challenges… Over the years, they continued to work for the movement in other ways… As people’s needs changed, new and more appropriate organizations would spring up. In the women’s movement, that was, in fact, happened.” (Pg. 143)

She recounts, “For many NOW members, lesbianism was a sensitive subject because they had had to defend themselves against accusations that all feminists were gay. As the few out-of-the-closet lesbians in New York began to press the organization to take a position on lesbian rights, the word got around that Betty Friedan herself considered the lesbian issue a ‘lavender herring’---and lesbians, a ‘lavender menace.’ Friedan was afraid for the women’s movement. She was just beginning to realize, as she wrote later, that ‘some of the best, most hard-working women in NOW were in fact lesbian.’ She worried that if the enemies of the movement succeeded in equating feminism with lesbianism, they’d discredit the drive for women’s rights.” (Pg. 262-263)

Later, she adds, “the gay-straight conflict continued to divide both New York NOW and the organization’s national board. In fact, the New York chapter effectively purged both lesbians and their straight supporters in January 1971, by voting them out of office. (This was the chapter’s second lesbian purge.) However, later that year at NOW’s annual convention, the whole membership tackled the controversy head-on and surprised almost everyone by voting overwhelmingly in favor of a strong pro-lesbian resolution… and stated firmly that the oppression of lesbians was indeed a legitimate concern for all feminists.” (Pg. 268)

She observes, “In the controversy over porn, many feminists were caught in the middle. Though they deplored the brand or porn that eroticized violence against women, they were afraid the attempt to curb it might undermine free speech… In addition, many women were convinced that banning hard-core porn wouldn’t accomplish much because a kind of eroticized violence permeated ordinary films, television, and advertising… In the mass media, the underlying message wasn’t explicit, the way it was in hard-core porn, but that made it all the more insidious.” (Pg. 329-330)

She acknowledges, “After the [Equal Rights] amendment’s defeat, some feminist critics argued that it might have passed if women’s groups had handled certain issues differently. The pro-ERA forces could have explained, according to the critics, that the courts would never order women into the front lines against the will of military leaders and the Congress (which was almost certainly true), and that the ERA would not expand women’s abortion rights (probably true). Some said that feminists should also have downplayed their commitment to lesbian rights until the amendment was safely in place. If the movement seemed to court controversy at times, the basic dynamics of social movements were partly responsible… disillusioned activists might have withdrawn in disgust if movement leaders had deserted their principles even temporarily, as a matter of strategy.” (Pg. 396-397)

She reflects, “After the defeat of the ERA in the early 1980s, the women’s movement reached its lowest ebb. Some of the major national organizations were in trouble financially, and many Americans were blaming the movement for the bind women were in as they struggled to do justice to both job and family. An analysis published in Ms. in the mid-80s noted that even among those who had been the movement’s allies, there seemed to be a consensus that the nation had ‘tried feminism and it didn’t work.’ Meanwhile, supposedly, feminism itself was dead… Of course, that wasn’t true. In fact, by the end of the decade the movement was broader than ever before, for throughout the eighties it continued to expand, spinning off new groups and even new submovements. There were major shifts in emphasis: Some of the big national organizations became more focused on politics…most were very concerned about diversity… and abortion replace the ERA as THE major issue for many… In addition, difference feminism gained strength and the women’s movement became globalized.” (Pg. 471-472)

She concludes, “The second wave of the women’s movement accomplished an enormous amount during its first thirty years… At midcentury, women were limited in the courses they could take in high school; discouraged from considering any but the most traditional, feminine careers; kept out of graduate schools, medical schools, and law schools by quotas; barred from many occupations; automatically fired when they became pregnant; routinely denied credit; and forbidden by law to sit on juries in some states. Most Americans, male and female, took it for granted that as breadwinners, men had a right to earn more than a woman who was doing the same job. Battered wives had nowhere to turn; sexual harassment was a dirty secret; abortion was illegal; and a woman who was raped had to produce a witness if she wanted the rapist brought to justice… Feminism in the last half of the twentieth century produced at least half a revolution.” (Pg. 491)

There have been a number of histories of the modern women’s movement [e.g., Tidal Wave: How Women Changed America at Century's End, When Everything Changed, The Amazing Journey of American Women from 1960 to the Present,The World Split Open: How the Modern Women's Movement Changed America.American Feminism: a Contemporary History], but this is one of the best!
Otrytrerl
Editor Flora Davis has taught writing and journalism at the New School for Social Research and at Fordham University. She has written other books such as Inside Intuition: What We Know about Non-Verbal Communication,Eloquent Animals: A Study in Animal Communication, etc. [NOTE: page numbers below refer to the 604-page paperback edition.]

She wrote in the Introduction to this 1991 book, “When I decided to write this book back in 1982, I felt that feminism had reached a turning point. The ERA had been defeated despite broad public support… Progress had stalled and in some ways the movement was actually losing ground. I was afraid that the second wave was over. Instead, though feminists faced formidable opposition throughout the 1980s, the movement continued to grow and change. At times, it even seemed to thrive on opposition… Nevertheless, the struggle continues… In the 1990s, two things are very clear: that in the past, changes only happened because thousands of women MADE them happen, and that in the future, women will gain more ground only if activists continued the effort. That’s why it seems important now to look back over the past thirty years of movement history and ask: How have we come this far? What have we accomplished and what remains to be done? With this book I hope to provide not only a record of achievements but a grounding in facts---enough detail about how things were done and where the pitfalls lay to help activists work for a better future.” (Pg. 11)

She says of the aftermath of Betty Friedan’s The Feminine Mystique, “As her fame spread, she became something of an outcast in the suburb where she lived. She and her husband were no longer invited to dinner parties, and they were dropped from a car pool after she hired a taxi to deliver to children because she herself had other commitments. Friedan’s book was so controversial that those who read it couldn’t stop discussing it, for it challenged the very basis of many middle class women’s lives.” (Pg. 51-52)

She points out, “In the late 1960s and early 1970s, thousands of C-R [consciousness-raising] groups formed around the country. The women who joined them found that consciousness-raising challenged many of their basic assumptions about themselves and their relations to men… As women talked in small, homogeneous groups about various issues, they discovered that problems they’d thought were theirs alone were shared by all---and created by male-dominated culture… In the end, consciousness-raising drew thousands of women into the movement. Within a very few years, most of its critics had embraced it enthusiastically.” (Pg. 88-89)

She suggests, “Many things separated women’s liberationists from liberal feminists. The women generally came from different generations, had cut their teeth politically under different circumstances, and their priorities were seldom the same. Nevertheless, it may have been as much style as substance that made them incompatible. Liberal groups were organized along traditional, hierarchical lines… Most women’s liberation groups, on the other hand, were determined to operate without leaders and to arrive at decisions by consensus. The commitment to radical equality that was characteristic of women’s liberation was carried to harmful extremes in some groups.” (Pg. 94)

But she also cautions, “Radical equality turned out to be a mixed blessing for women’s liberation. Groups that functioned without a hierarchy often generated an intense feeling of community, an almost ecstatic closeness… However, some women’s liberation groups became preoccupied with internal issues of power and carried their aversion to hierarchies to extremes. Women who stood out from the rest for any reason were accused of elitism and ‘trashed.’ Within the movement, the period from 1969-1971 became known as feminism’s ‘McCarthy era’ because of the dogmatism of some groups.” (Pg. 98)

She also notes, “many of the early women’s liberation groups died because they’d done their job. Members used the support of the group to make changes in themselves and their circumstances. They then moved on to new challenges… Over the years, they continued to work for the movement in other ways… As people’s needs changed, new and more appropriate organizations would spring up. In the women’s movement, that was, in fact, happened.” (Pg. 143)

She recounts, “For many NOW members, lesbianism was a sensitive subject because they had had to defend themselves against accusations that all feminists were gay. As the few out-of-the-closet lesbians in New York began to press the organization to take a position on lesbian rights, the word got around that Betty Friedan herself considered the lesbian issue a ‘lavender herring’---and lesbians, a ‘lavender menace.’ Friedan was afraid for the women’s movement. She was just beginning to realize, as she wrote later, that ‘some of the best, most hard-working women in NOW were in fact lesbian.’ She worried that if the enemies of the movement succeeded in equating feminism with lesbianism, they’d discredit the drive for women’s rights.” (Pg. 262-263)

Later, she adds, “the gay-straight conflict continued to divide both New York NOW and the organization’s national board. In fact, the New York chapter effectively purged both lesbians and their straight supporters in January 1971, by voting them out of office. (This was the chapter’s second lesbian purge.) However, later that year at NOW’s annual convention, the whole membership tackled the controversy head-on and surprised almost everyone by voting overwhelmingly in favor of a strong pro-lesbian resolution… and stated firmly that the oppression of lesbians was indeed a legitimate concern for all feminists.” (Pg. 268)

She observes, “In the controversy over porn, many feminists were caught in the middle. Though they deplored the brand or porn that eroticized violence against women, they were afraid the attempt to curb it might undermine free speech… In addition, many women were convinced that banning hard-core porn wouldn’t accomplish much because a kind of eroticized violence permeated ordinary films, television, and advertising… In the mass media, the underlying message wasn’t explicit, the way it was in hard-core porn, but that made it all the more insidious.” (Pg. 329-330)

She acknowledges, “After the [Equal Rights] amendment’s defeat, some feminist critics argued that it might have passed if women’s groups had handled certain issues differently. The pro-ERA forces could have explained, according to the critics, that the courts would never order women into the front lines against the will of military leaders and the Congress (which was almost certainly true), and that the ERA would not expand women’s abortion rights (probably true). Some said that feminists should also have downplayed their commitment to lesbian rights until the amendment was safely in place. If the movement seemed to court controversy at times, the basic dynamics of social movements were partly responsible… disillusioned activists might have withdrawn in disgust if movement leaders had deserted their principles even temporarily, as a matter of strategy.” (Pg. 396-397)

She reflects, “After the defeat of the ERA in the early 1980s, the women’s movement reached its lowest ebb. Some of the major national organizations were in trouble financially, and many Americans were blaming the movement for the bind women were in as they struggled to do justice to both job and family. An analysis published in Ms. in the mid-80s noted that even among those who had been the movement’s allies, there seemed to be a consensus that the nation had ‘tried feminism and it didn’t work.’ Meanwhile, supposedly, feminism itself was dead… Of course, that wasn’t true. In fact, by the end of the decade the movement was broader than ever before, for throughout the eighties it continued to expand, spinning off new groups and even new submovements. There were major shifts in emphasis: Some of the big national organizations became more focused on politics…most were very concerned about diversity… and abortion replace the ERA as THE major issue for many… In addition, difference feminism gained strength and the women’s movement became globalized.” (Pg. 471-472)

She concludes, “The second wave of the women’s movement accomplished an enormous amount during its first thirty years… At midcentury, women were limited in the courses they could take in high school; discouraged from considering any but the most traditional, feminine careers; kept out of graduate schools, medical schools, and law schools by quotas; barred from many occupations; automatically fired when they became pregnant; routinely denied credit; and forbidden by law to sit on juries in some states. Most Americans, male and female, took it for granted that as breadwinners, men had a right to earn more than a woman who was doing the same job. Battered wives had nowhere to turn; sexual harassment was a dirty secret; abortion was illegal; and a woman who was raped had to produce a witness if she wanted the rapist brought to justice… Feminism in the last half of the twentieth century produced at least half a revolution.” (Pg. 491)

There have been a number of histories of the modern women’s movement [e.g., Tidal Wave: How Women Changed America at Century's End, When Everything Changed, The Amazing Journey of American Women from 1960 to the Present,The World Split Open: How the Modern Women's Movement Changed America.American Feminism: a Contemporary History], but this is one of the best!